‘The hungry can’t stay silent’

People in parts of the Angolan capital, Luanda, are still afraid to talk openly about what happened in July when protests brought part of the city to a standstill and disturbances rocked other provinces too.

What began as a call among taxi drivers to come out against the jump in the price of fuel turned violent over three days with at least 30 people losing their lives and thousands subsequently arrested.

Roads were blocked with burning tyres, shops were looted and clashes erupted between demonstrators and police.

It was one of the most significant waves of protest since the end of the civil war in 2002.

In the run-up to oil-rich Angola marking 50 years of independence from Portugal on 11 November, the demonstrations highlighted continuing concerns about poverty and inequality.

In neighbourhoods where the demonstrations were strongest, few people are willing to speak openly, worried about reprisals or persecution in light of the numerous arrests during and after the protests.

“Things may have got a little out of control, but we needed to make that much noise to wake up those in power,” a 24-year-old Luanda street vendor, who wanted to remain anonymous, told the BBC.

Having left school before completing secondary education, he now sells soft drinks along Avenida Pedro de Castro Van-Dúnem Loy, one of the capital’s busiest thoroughfares, to help support his family.

He is one of the millions here struggling to get by amid the gleaming skyscrapers built by oil money.

For the vendor, joining the first day of protests was a way of showing that “we have a voice” and that people like him deserve a share of the wealth of the country that is “rich for some, but miserable for so many of us”.

Youth unemployment has been a major driver of protests in this young country where the median average age is less than 16.

Unemployment among 15-to-24-year-olds stands at 54%, official figures show. Out of the 18 million young people of working age, only three million have jobs in the formal sector – meaning they get regular wages and pay taxes.

In Angola’s main cities, the many jobless young people, who are no longer in school, highlight the state’s difficulty in meeting their aspirations.

“I only sell on the street when I can get enough money to buy the soft drinks,” the street vendor said.

“There are months when I don’t sell anything at all because business is so slow. Me and so many other young people live like this and nobody pays attention to us. That’s why we can’t stay silent.”

Angolan sociologist Gilson Lázaro was not surprised by what happened in July. He believes that those at the heart of the protests were the “dispossessed”.

“These are young people, the majority, who have nothing left but their lives. That is why they took to the streets without fear,” he said.

The protests emerged spontaneously in some of Luanda’s more populous and poorer neighbourhoods, where some residents lack access to basic sanitation as well as other essential infrastructure.

Gradually, demonstrators moved into the capital’s main avenues, causing chaos and “lifting the veil on a social problem that has long existed but which the political elite has preferred to ignore”, according to the sociologist.

“For some time now, Angola has been heading towards a deep social, economic and, above all, political legitimacy crisis. The root cause is the flawed way the country has been governed since the end of the civil war in 2002,” Dr Lázaro added.

The Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) has been in charge of the country for the five decades of independence.

There had been some hope that João Lourenço, who in 2017 took over as president from José Eduardo dos Santos, 36 years in power, would change things.

He is now serving a second consecutive term following the 2022 election.

Lourenço promised to overhaul what he saw as the broken system inherited from his predecessor: tackling corruption, diversifying the economy and creating jobs.

Eight years on, critics argue he has failed to do so and is struggling to manage the cost-of-living crisis – and though falling slightly, the annual inflation rate remains high at around 18%. According to a 2024 Afrobarometer survey, 63% of Angolans say the country’s economic situation has worsened when compared to the previous year.

Young people have borne the brunt of the problems and have been at the forefront of most anti-government protests in recent years, on issues ranging from corruption and police brutality to demands for local elections, and against hunger and poverty.

Yet nothing matched the scale of July’s unrest.

Lea Komba, a 20-year-old political science student, says the fuel protests were “terrifying but somewhat expected” given the country’s current reality.

“We live in a country where young people are ignored by those in power. Protests are the only way to show dissatisfaction with the precarious conditions we face,” she said.

The Angolan government has taken a different view.

A government official did not respond to a BBC request to comment on the demonstrations and their aftermath, but in a national address on 1 August, President Lourenço made his feelings clear.

He condemned the protests as “acts committed by irresponsible citizens, manipulated by anti-patriotic national and foreign organisations through social media, bringing mourning, destruction of public and private property, reduced access to essential goods and services, and job losses for Angolans”.

Despite repeated promises to diversify its economy, Angola remains dependent on oil and gas, which are by far the country’s main exports as well as the key source of government revenue.

“Natural resources are good, but the problem lies in how revenues are used,” Angolan economist Francisco Paulo said.

“If Angola followed models like Norway or Saudi Arabia, using oil wealth to strengthen non-oil sectors and develop its workforce, it would be a blessing. Unfortunately, revenues here are wasted on superficial expenses with no added value.”

Following Dos Santos’s departure, Angola endured five years consecutive years when the economy shrunk between 2017 and 2021.

Growth only returned in 2022, largely driven by non-oil sectors. But recent growth has had little impact on most Angolans’ lives.

In a report this year, the World Bank estimated that more than a third of the population live on less than $2.15 per day.

It said that while the economy was expanding it was not keeping up with population growth, meaning that, on average, people were getting poorer.

As independence celebrations approach, plans including music festivals, presidential medal ceremonies and a football match to include Argentinian Lionel Messi are in full swing.

But student Ms Komba questions the old socialist slogan “one people, one nation”, coined during the one-party Marxist-Leninist regime of the late 1970s.

“It’s simply not true that we all share the same reality. There is huge inequality. Young people in marginalised areas are almost condemned to extreme poverty, without quality education or decent jobs, even if they study hard and earn a degree,” she said.

“These young people think with their stomachs, because hunger leaves them with nothing to lose. They are the ones who filled the streets.”

Ms Komba added that “the authorities must look at root causes, not just consequences”.

“The looting was simply the way young people found to draw attention from those in power.”

She thinks that there could be more unrest.

“From now until the 2027 elections we will likely see more protests. Whether we like it or not, political awareness is growing in Angola, and elections are seen as a crucial moment for real change.”